Recent statements by Iranian officials claiming that “Bahrain is part of Iran” once again reveal the Islamic Republic’s fixation on outdated fantasies. In the past weeks alone, remarks by Hussain Shariatmadari, the editor of Kayhan newspaper and a direct representative of the Supreme Leader’s office revived the Islamic Republic’s outdated claims over Bahrain. Shariatmadari, widely regarded as Khamenei’s ideological deputy, even went further by attacking the UAE for asserting its rights over the three Emirati islands occupied by Iran since 1971, again demonstrating Tehran’s tendency to provoke Gulf relations instead of building the trust and cooperation that regional stability requires.

For Bahrainis, this rhetoric is neither new nor surprising. But the timing and persistence are noteworthy, while Bahrain has publicly stated its willingness to negotiate the reinstatement of diplomatic relations with Iran based on mutual respect and non-interference, the Islamic Republic continues to undermine any goodwill with inflammatory statements and confrontational behaviour. This also comes at a time when Iran’s foreign minister stated in a recent interview that negotiations are ongoing with Bahrain regarding the reinstatement of diplomatic ties. This contrast raises an important question about whether there is a disconnect between Iran’s diplomatic messaging and the hardline rhetoric emerging from figures closely linked to the Supreme Leader.

Bahrain’s Status Was Settled in 1970

Iran’s claim to Bahrain was not only illegitimate, it was formally and conclusively resolved under the Shah, not the Islamic Republic. In 1970, after extensive diplomatic discussions, Iran accepted the outcome of the UN mission to Bahrain, which confirmed that Bahrainis overwhelmingly desired independence, not Iranian sovereignty. The matter was closed. Every state in the international system, including Iran at the time, recognised Bahrain’s sovereignty.

Legally, international law leaves no space for Iran’s recurring claims. The 1970 UN mission, endorsed by Iran and recognised globally, affirmed Bahrain’s right to self-determination. Once Iran accepted the outcome and Bahrain joined the United Nations as a sovereign state, the issue became settled under international law. Reopening such a matter decades later contradicts established legal norms and exposes the purely political nature of the Islamic Republic’s rhetoric.

Yet officials of the Islamic Republic, founded nearly a decade later continue reviving these claims. This is not a reflection of strength, but rather an inability to move beyond outdated narratives that bear no relevance to the modern regional order.

Diplomacy with Responsibility

Bahrain has consistently communicated a clear, constructive message: diplomatic relations with any country, including Iran, are a normal part of international relations. However, such ties must be grounded in sovereignty, non-interference, and neighbourly conduct. The Kingdom remains open to restoring relations if the Islamic Republic demonstrates seriousness in respecting these principles.

Yet Bahrain’s experience is well documented. Even when diplomatic ties were fully active in the past, the Islamic Republic supported proxy groups aligned with its ideology, attempted to smuggle weapons into Bahrain, and fuelled sectarian narratives. These patterns cannot be ignored and form an essential part of Bahrain’s approach to any future engagement.

Zarif at the Doha Forum: A Revealing Mindset

During the Doha Forum, Javad Zarif who currently holds no official government position but continues to represent regime thinking, referenced Iran’s historic claim that Bahrain was its “19th province” while defending Tehran’s approach to territorial disputes. His decision to raise this point unprompted illustrates the depth of the Islamic Republic’s attachment to territorial fantasies long rejected by the Gulf countries.

The exchange grew even more revealing when the discussion turned to the Al-Durra (Arash) gas field, located in waters jointly administered by Kuwait and Saudi Arabia. Iran’s unilateral claim is rejected by both states and has no basis in international law. When Zarif objected that Kuwait “refuses talks with Iran,” GCC Secretary General Jasim Al-Budaiwi responded firmly, noting that the field is not Iranian because that is what the “international law” determines. Zarif’s heated reaction reflected a broader pattern: the Islamic Republic struggles to accept legal boundaries and often relies on pressure and militias rather than diplomacy.

The Islamic Republic’s Regional Behaviour

The Islamic Republic’s behaviour cannot be separated from its wider regional conduct. It continues to support armed groups across the Middle East, destabilise maritime security, violate international norms, and suppress its own population. These actions have left Iran increasingly isolated and disconnected from the region’s direction.

While Iranian officials frequently make grand claims about being the “largest” or “most important” state in the region, claims Zarif repeated during the debate, the facts tell a different story. Saudi Arabia is the region’s largest country, and the GCC is moving forward, modernising its economies, expanding global partnerships, and investing in stability and development. Iran, meanwhile, remains entrenched in ideological battles that no longer serve its people or the region.

Moving Beyond Illusions

Bahrain and the GCC remain committed to stability and cooperation. Dialogue is always preferable, and Bahrain continues to signal openness to diplomatic engagement with Iran. However, successful relations require mutual respect, non-interference, and a clear rejection of inflammatory rhetoric and outdated territorial claims.

Iran can choose to be a constructive regional actor. But that requires moving beyond the illusions of a past that does not belong to it and engaging with its neighbours on the basis of international law and the realities of today, not the dreams of decades long gone.

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